Beneath the Cross and the Crown:

Capitalism, Racism and the Roots of Black Resistance

“We are not rewriting history—we are remembering it fully. Not just the cross and the crown, but the chains and the silence.”


🌍 From STL to ATR

I’m a proud St. Louis native, raised at the intersection of Black faith, resistance, and storytelling. This blog, STL Girl in an ATR World, is where I explore the deep waters of African Traditional Religions (ATRs), Black spirituality, and the roots of resistance that have always lived in us—even when buried beneath the weight of empire.

My first post begins with the research I recently presented:
“Beneath the Cross and the Crown: Capitalism, Racism, and the Roots of Black Resistance.”


✝️ The Cross, the Crown… and the Chains

We are told that American capitalism promises opportunity—and that religion provides moral grounding. But for Black people, both systems have often functioned as tools of control and oppression.

Capitalism was never race-neutral.
As theorist Cedric Robinson argued in Black Marxism, capitalism didn’t simply intersect with racism—it required it.

The Trans-Atlantic slave trade was not a byproduct of greed. It was the blueprint.

Religious institutions—from Catholic missionaries to slave-holding pastors—often sanctified this violence. The cross was lifted beside the whip. The crown blessed conquest.


📍 St. Louis: A Case Study in Racial Capitalism

St. Louis is a sacred site for this history. We were:

  • A launching pad for Indigenous cultural removal
  • Home of the Dred Scott decision
  • The backdrop for the East St. Louis Massacre
  • The cradle of redlining, urban divestment, and mass incarceration

And yet, we’ve always resisted.

The Ferguson uprising, the radical scholarship of people like William Wells Brown, and the quiet survival of Hoodoo and spiritual practice all prove that Black St. Louis refuses to die quietly.


🌊 The Refuge of African Traditional Religions

When the church was used against us, we turned to the water. To the moon. To the ancestors.

ATR practices like Vodun, Ifá, Hoodoo, and Santería didn’t just survive—they transformed.

Through syncretism, saints became Orishas, psalms became protection spells, and spiritual altars rose in places where no church would welcome us.

These traditions are not superstition. They are sovereignty. They are survival.


🔗 What Liberation Looks Like

My work asks: What if we reimagine the systems that tried to erase us?

  • What if we built trade routes not in bodies, but in self-possession?
  • What if our connection to ATRs wasn’t hidden—but honored?
  • What if our spirituality became the foundation for a self-reparative future?

This is what I call a world without chains—where our memory becomes our medicine, and our faith becomes a flame.


✊🏾 Join Me on the Journey

This is just the beginning. In future posts, I’ll share more on:

  • Mami Wata, Yemaya, and the water and moon spirits of the diaspora
  • Black femme icons of St. Louis and beyond
  • The story of St. Louis’ Hoodoo roots
  • A deep dive into Black Marxism, the Black Radical Tradition, racial capitalism, and the development of the concept of race
  • Syncretism and the theft of African Spirituality: the origin of Abrahamic religions and the white washing of history
  • My project: Sankofa Diaspora Tradeworks—a reparative vision for the future

Let’s remember. Let’s resist. Let’s rise.
Welcome to STL Girl in an ATR World.

The Racial Capitalism Behind the Ferguson Uprising — and How We Fight It

St. Louis is a city where racial lines are more than history — they are alive, built into streets and schools, shaping daily life. But those divisions are not natural. They are the products of racial capitalism, a system designed to profit from inequality while dividing the people most harmed by it.

By Dierdre Lockette

In the summer of 2014, the murder of 18-year-old Mike Brown by a Ferguson police officer ignited protests that shocked the nation. For many, Ferguson became a flashpoint for conversations about police brutality. But if you look beneath the headlines, you’ll see something deeper: a long history of racial capitalism shaping the St. Louis region — and fueling the conditions that led to Ferguson.

A Personal Perspective

I grew up in the St. Louis area, moving twice so my siblings and I could access better schools. I heard stories from my mother and aunts about navigating school integration after Brown v. Board of Education. My own experience was shaped by the brutal reality of segregated education and housing.

Later, at Cardinal Ritter College Prep — a pro-Black Catholic school named after the Cardinal who desegregated the city’s Catholic institutions — I was taught to read history through a critical lens. We learned to see how racial capitalism operates: not just through laws and policies, but through the whitewashing of history itself.

That foundation has guided my work ever since.

Understanding Racial Capitalism

Cedric J. Robinson’s theory of racial capitalism shows us that racism is not an accident of capitalism — it is one of its key engines. Modern capitalism was built upon systems of racial hierarchy, drawing on medieval European practices and adapting them to justify the trans-Atlantic slave trade and ongoing global exploitation.

When we view St. Louis through this lens, patterns that might seem isolated — housing segregation, police violence, school disparities — reveal themselves as pieces of a larger system designed to profit from Black oppression.

The Making of Segregation in St. Louis

In The Making of Ferguson, Richard Rothstein documents the deliberate public policies that enforced segregation in the St. Louis region:

  • Racial zoning (1916)
  • Restrictive covenants
  • White-only suburban subsidies
  • “Urban renewal” that displaced Black communities

These were not private acts of bigotry — they were government actions, sanctioned by law and supported by white residents.

Schools: Dividing the Future

Nikole Hannah-Jones connects these housing policies to education, showing how they created the Delmar Divide: a street that became a line between wealthier white areas and underfunded Black communities.

Her reporting revealed that Mike Brown graduated from Normandy School District — a district that lost accreditation just before his death. Efforts to transfer Normandy students to better-resourced districts sparked public outrage from white parents, exposing deep racial fears and divisions.

As Aaron N. Taylor notes, such segregation is not accidental. It was structured through New Deal policies and reinforced through legal and illegal means. Even today, research shows that diversity in schools brings benefits to all students — yet resistance to integration persists.

Ferguson in Global Context

When we place Ferguson in the larger history of racial capitalism, we see clear parallels:

  • A permanent Black underclass created through public policy
  • Deliberate geographic segregation
  • State-sanctioned violence against Black bodies

Robinson’s Black Marxism helps us understand the protests not just as reactions to a single event, but as part of a Black Radical Tradition — a global lineage of resistance to racial capitalism.

Why This Matters — And What We Must Do

Today, St. Louis remains one of the most segregated cities in America. I witnessed this firsthand — moving from St. Louis City to Jennings in the late 1980s, navigating the effects of white flight and educational inequality.

I also saw the power of Black resistance. One of my peers from Cardinal Ritter, Cori Bush, became a prominent voice during the Ferguson protests and is now the first Black woman from Missouri elected to the U.S. House of Representatives.

Her story — and those of countless others — reminds us that resistance is ongoing.

Moving Forward

Understanding racial capitalism forces us to confront uncomfortable truths:

  • Segregation is not an accident — it is engineered.
  • Capitalism has always depended on racial division and exploitation.
  • Real change requires confronting these root structures, not just surface reforms.

As I continue my studies and research at Washington University, I remain committed to this work. I believe that by connecting the local — Ferguson, St. Louis — to the global history of racial capitalism, we can build stronger movements and clearer demands.

It’s not enough to say Black Lives Matter — we must also fight the economic systems that profit from Black death.

Decolonize. Reclaim. Transform.

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